The Department of Basic Education has pleasure in releasing the second edition of Mind the Gap study guides for Grade 12 learners. These study guides. Mind the Gap study guides for Accounting, Economics, Geography and Life to the series in , including the CAPS Grade 12 Mind the Gap study guide for .. the curriculum using other textbooks and your class notes. Gap study guides for Accounting, Economics, Geography and Life Sciences; the second edition, in , including the CAPS Grade 12 Mind the Gap study guide for Mathematics. curriculum using other textbooks and your class notes .
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The first subjects in the series include Life Sciences, Accounting, Economics, Geography and Geography Maps. Recently two Afrikaans titles. Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS) Mind the Gap Grade 12 Study. remaining parts of the curriculum using other textbooks and your class notes. Data response (middle order): Study the following graph/cartoon/ table/ text, .. Economics Summer Answers to Homework #5 Due Wednesday. MIND THE GAP STUDY GUIDED AND OTHER STUDY. MATERIAL copies per school), Accounting, Economics, Geography Paper 1 and Paper 2 with Maps, been printed and delivered to all districts from 26 September is applicable to the retrieval of textbooks and all other revision material.
Rising inequality might not be such a major concern if our education, economic, and social protection systems acted as compensatory mechanisms, helping individuals, and especially children, rise above their birth circumstances and improve their mobility.
Rather, the fraction of children who earn more than their parents a measure of what social scientists refer to as absolute mobility has fallen from approximately 90 percent for children born in to 50 percent for children born in the s Chetty et al. Children of certain ethnic and racial minorities who are disproportionately likely to live in concentrated poverty are also more likely to do so over prolonged periods of time Sharkey As a result of these trends and associations, achievement gaps by social class have grown substantially since the s, especially between children at the highest end of the income distribution and all of the others Reardon Some researchers have identified a large increase in parental investment in education among high-SES parents as one driver of the divergence in education outcomes Duncan and Murnane , among other contributing factors, such as time parents spend with their children and time parents devote to education-enhancing activities Morsy and Rothstein ; Van Voorhis et al.
In general, more leisure and educational time with children can promote their development and school readiness Brooks-Gunn and Markman ; Hart and Risley ; Phillips ; Rothstein ; Van Voorhis et al. Coleman and coauthors, researchers and policymakers have understood the critical impacts of race, poverty, and segregation on educational attainment Coleman et al. And educational inequities remain a major problem today. Some of the research carefully describes the specific contexts and challenges that minority and lower-social-class students face and how these challenges create early education gaps.
As such, there is a need both for a better understanding of these causes and for strategies to counter them. In this paper, we describe recent skills gaps and trends in them by social class, as measured by socioeconomic status; analyze some of the major factors driving the gaps; and explore a set of diverse school district-level initiatives that are helping to narrow gaps.
The paper is structured in three sections. First, we examine social-class-based gaps at kindergarten entry among the most recently surveyed kindergarten cohort the kindergarten class of — Next we compare these gaps with those of an earlier kindergarten cohort.
We look at changes from to in the skills gaps between children in the top and bottom social-class quintiles primarily using SES as the proxy for social class. Then we review a set of case studies of school districts that have employed comprehensive educational strategies to provide more children especially low-income children with strong early academic and life foundations, and to sustain and build on early gains throughout the K—12 school years.
Finally, we look at the implications of our findings, and, based on the case study examples from diverse communities, we discuss strategies that districts can employ along with district and state policy changes that will make those strategies easier to adopt and more sustainable. For the second analysis, we draw on 12 case studies of community and school districts employing comprehensive educational strategies Weiss a—h.
We explore the qualitative information provided on investments these districts have made in early childhood education, on both within-school and broader K—12 supports for children, and on evidence that these investments are delivering both improved academic achievement and broader gains for children.
Based on this evidence, the report ends with conclusions and recommendations for further research, practice, and policy. Appendices A and B provide detailed discussions of the data and methodology used in this paper.
How large are recent performance gaps at kindergarten entry? This section documents inequalities among the most recently tracked cohort of students as they entered kindergarten in It provides us with the most recently available view of the various aspects of gaps at the school starting gate, all of which are critically important for understanding the implications of those gaps. The findings below draw on the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study of the Kindergarten Class of —, and we use data from the fall measurement in the kindergarten year.
See Appendices A and B for details on the variables and methodology used. These skills, sometimes referred to as noncognitive or social and emotional skills, tend to develop—or lag—in tandem with cognitive skills.
Noncognitive or social and emotional skills are thus linked to academic achievement, and also to outcomes in adult life, such as productivity and collegiality at work, good health, and civic participation. We divide children of the — kindergarten class into five groups based on SES quintile.
To measure the gaps in performance by socioeconomic status, we compare the average performance of children in the top fifth of the SES distribution with the average performance of children in the bottom fifth.
Most socioeconomically disadvantaged children lag substantially in both reading and math skills, and these skills levels rise along with socioeconomic status sometimes referred to as socioeconomic gradients.
Children in the highest socioeconomic group score significantly higher in reading and math than children in the lowest socioeconomic group. As Table 1 shows, the relative unadjusted gaps in reading and math, i. Socioeconomic-based gaps in self-control and approaches to learning are approximately one-third to one-half as large as gaps in reading and math. Our analyses also document stark socioeconomic disparities in inputs, child and family characteristics, and other factors that can affect school readiness Table 2.
Here too we find a correlation between socioeconomic status and other factors that impede educational development. Low-SES students are more likely than their high-SES peers to be immigrants and less likely to speak English at home, to live with two parents, to have participated in center-based pre-K care activities in the previous year, and to have engaged in early literacy practices at home.
Among children in the low-SES group, half Education outcomes are the product of a combination of multiple factors, which can reinforce or mitigate relative advantages or disadvantages in a dynamic fashion. We examine these issues in the rest of the paper. How do the performance gaps in the — kindergarten class compare with the gaps in the prior generation?
The analyses presented in this section compare the inequities in inputs and the performance gaps between high-SES and low-SES students who began kindergarten in with the gaps among high-SES and low-SES schoolchildren in the prior academic generation, the cohort.
We also analyze factors that have had major influences on the changes in performance of kindergartners, and briefly discuss the research and policy implications of our findings. How have the characteristics of the children in the lowest and highest SES groups changed in a generation?
This enables us to identify differences in the characteristics of low-SES kindergartners in versus in These changes may help explain why the performance gaps we are studying grow or shrink for example, if children in the low-SES quintile in were more likely than their peers to have access to public programs such as pre-K, they might be more prepared for kindergarten, and thus the relative advantage of high-SES children might shrink.
To some extent, expectations are based on hope, but they can also respond to behavioral patterns children are exhibiting that hint at their future success.
In , a greater share of children in this group are Hispanic In , a greater share of children do not live with two parents These substantially greater disadvantages for children at the bottom of the SES scale could all be reflections of both the much weaker national economic context in versus and the growing inequality described above.
Children in the high-SES group became slightly more likely to live with their two parents the share of children who lived with one parent decreased from We only see a small increase in the reported number of books at home. How did the performance gaps between the children in the lowest and highest SES groups change in a generation? Table 3 shows the unadjusted and adjusted gaps between the standardized scores in reading and math of kindergarten children in the top SES quintile relative to the bottom SES quintile in and the change in that gap by The tables show two somewhat perplexing patterns.
On the one hand, the cognitive and noncognitive skills gaps between high-SES and low-SES children are large and statistically significant in both cohorts.
But while significant social-class-based performance gaps persist from one kindergarten generation to the next, there is not the same consistency in how the high-SES to low-SES gaps change. For some cognitive and noncognitive skills, the performance gaps grow, while for others the gaps shrink, or remain the same from one generation to the next which may complicate the process of understanding why performance gaps have changed over time.
Beginning with our unadjusted model data column one , the only substantial increase in the gap between high- and low-SES children from to was in reading skills, which increased by one-tenth of a standard deviation. Similarly, gaps in approaches to learning as reported by parents and in self-control as reported by teachers did not change significantly, and gaps in approaches to learning as reported by teachers and in self-control as reported by parents shrank by roughly the same amount as the reading gap about a tenth of a standard deviation—0.
Figure A provides a graphic illustration of the unadjusted gaps in cognitive and noncognitive skills of high- and low-SES children across the two cohorts. The additional models estimated for each outcome and shown in Tables 3 and 4 offer other key findings.
In Model 1, we used the full samples for the two cohorts but did not include any controls that capture characteristics of children or their parents or the early education practices in which families engage. Model 2 partitions the data into schools and classes, or clusters, so that the subjects in the clusters are more similar to one another than to those in other groups. Under this adjustment, the gaps shrink substantially, by between 15 and 25 percent across the skills, and the regression fit improves significantly see increased adjusted R-squared, i.
This clustering takes into account school segregation, that is, that children are not randomly distributed but tend to concentrate in schools or classrooms with children of the same race, social class, etc.
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Clustered estimates provide a comparison of the skills gaps of peer students—those in the same schools and classrooms—rather than a comparison across schools. How do child and family characteristics, activities, and expectations affect SES-based performance and performance gaps?
We next examine the contribution of the certain variables of interest to SES-based performance gaps. We approach this in two ways. First, we examine the changes in the gaps Tables 3 and 4, Models 3 and 4 and the overall reduction in the gaps that results from controlling for children and their family characteristics, early literacy practices, and parental expectations of educational achievement Table 5.
Second, we assess the influence of select early educational practices on performance and how that influence has changed over time by looking at the associations between these inputs and performance Table 6. Models 3 and 4 in Tables 3 and 4 use the samples that result from removing observations without full information for the controls of interest. Model 3 also includes the interactions between the early education variables with time. Including covariates changes the estimates of SES-based skills gaps in various ways.
First, the gaps between the top- and bottom-SES quintiles shrink, showing that SES-based gaps are partially explained by the variation in the controls which is not visible in the tables. In reading, the change in the gap between and diminishes and becomes statistically insignificant in the last model the relative gap increases by 0. Gaps between high- and low-SES children in cognitive and noncognitive skills after adjustments are made are shown in Figure B.
As mentioned above, the fact that the skills gaps decrease after controls are taken into consideration affirms that SES-based gaps are due in part to variation in the controls among high- versus low-SES children. This trend can be seen in Table 5, which, as noted above, shows the overall reduction in gaps that results from controlling for child and family characteristics, early literacy practices, and parental expectations of educational achievement.
With respect to cognitive skills, the gaps shrink by 46 percent and 53 percent, respectively, after the inclusion of the covariates.
About half of the gaps are thus due to other factors that are associated both with SES status and with the outcomes themselves. The reduction in the gaps for noncognitive skills varies from 28 percent approaches to learning as reported by teachers to 74 percent approaches to learning as reported by parents. For self-control as reported by teachers, the reduction is 51 percent versus 35 percent when reported by parents.
While the gaps hold after the inclusion of controls across outcomes, gaps in are less sensitive to the inclusion of the covariates than they were in This trend can also be seen in Table 5. In any event, the resistance of gaps to these controls should worry researchers and policymakers. The waning influence of these controls makes it harder to understand what drives SES gaps.
It also suggests that the gaps may be growing more intractable or, at least are less easily narrowed via the enactment of known policy interventions. For , the estimated coefficients are 0. However, while center-based pre-K continues to reduce self-control as reported by teachers in , the effect is less negative in the 0.
We find no independent effect of center-based prekindergarten schooling i.
Indeed, this factor is positively associated with all outcomes but self-control reported by parents. The coefficients are very small, of about 0.
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The associations with cognitive skills, especially with reading, are strong and statistically significant—0. For noncognitive skills, the relationships are strong for those assessed by parents, though they shrink by about half over time: self-control is 0. On the other hand, the index that measures other enrichment activities that parents do with their children a composite of how frequently parents and children play games, do sports, build things, work on puzzles, do arts and crafts, and do chores shows significant correlations with all of the skills, but they may be either positively correlated or negatively correlated, depending on the skill.
For cognitive skills, the associations are statistically significant and negative, though stronger and somewhat more meaningful or more intense with reading achievement But the fact that both the frequency with which parents engage in most of these activities and the importance of this index for parent-assessed skills increased noticeably from to by 0.
It also indicates that parents are increasingly acting on this knowledge and that this involvement will continue to grow, albeit potentially with decreasing marginal returns to time and resources invested.
In addition, most of these associations—particularly the cognitive gradients—grow in Sensitivity analyses: Do performance gaps vary based on which proxy for social class socioeconomic status is used? We thus conduct analyses using several of the main proxies employed to measure socioeconomic status.
Mind the GAP Study Guide: Life Sciences
The purpose of these analyses is twofold. The first purpose is to test the sensitivity of the estimated relative gaps, and of trends in them, to changes in the measurement of this key predictor of education performance. In other words, if all the indicators are reliable proxies of SES, gaps and trends obtained using the various metrics should be similar. The second purpose is to increase the comparability of the results of studies addressing trends in education inequalities that use various metrics of social class.
This is an important issue; in addition to helping reconcile diverse results found in the literature, these analyses may reveal why patterns differ, and have significant policy implications.
Unlike the SES composite measure, two of these measures offer the advantage of being directly comparable over time. As a limitation, and mainly associated with the information that is available in the raw data, none of these categories can be transformed into a percentile-variable without major transformations.
The adjustments to ensure comparability over time are explained in Appendix A. See Reardon and Portilla for an analysis with a transformation of the income variable that offers a proper percentile comparison, based on the methodology developed by Reardon Still, they are variables associated with social class and can be ordered in groups or categories that identify high- and low-social-class statuses.
Thus, with the necessary caution when interpreting and using the findings, we offer this comparison of results as a sensitivity analysis. We focus on the findings for the baseline relative gaps in and first Figures C—E. The overall patterns found in the results suggest that all social-class gaps are statistically significant and sizable. However, the exact sizes of the gaps vary depending on the social-class indicator used and the outcome being assessed.
In addition to these general findings, we note some more detailed ones. These major developments have accelerated hierarchical establishment and spreading of large national health systems across the world.
The very idea of risk sharing and conception of early health insurance funds dates back to the nineteenth century Europe Peculiarity is the fact that the first nation to effectively deliver universal health coverage for almost entire population including the poor, back in the s, was USSR via its renowned Semashko system.
Other countries adopted different strategies to provide universal health coverage — ranging from systems based on the state budget, through public insurance systems, to more market-oriented solutions with Bismarckian, Beveridge, and U.
Great attainments in living standards, education, medical care, and public health policy led to bold advances in population health indicators. These were most visible in the U. They consisted of extended longevity, falling fertility rates, decreasing morbidity from infectious diseases, improved maternal health, and early childhood survival.
With some gap, they were followed by the socialist countries. Low-income Southern Hemisphere nations of Africa, Latin America, and Asia remained significantly below these thresholds and needed decades to catch pace with the industrialized economies of the North Since the end of Cold War Era, observing the time horizon — World has become a much different place.
During the s and early s, globalization processes continued to accelerate worldwide. In health-care arena, it has reflected in so called transitional health-care reforms with the most typical pattern in Eastern Europe. These reforms tended to move focus of former socialist health systems from curative, hospital-based health care toward preventive-oriented, outpatient-centered health care.
Health financing pattern tended to make relief to state-owned health insurance funds toward ever larger share of the out-of-pocket spending by the ordinary citizens Population aging as a global phenomenon 47 , 48 became evident over the past three decades, with Japan on the lead 49 , Current UN forecasts indicate that China will be fastest aging large nation deep into the twenty-first century Surprisingly, aging of nations ultimately reached some of the traditionally young nations such as the Arabic 52 ones of MENA region and Turkey Such a huge demographic transition was virtually unpredictable for strategic thinkers of nineteenth century.
Remarkable feature of core NCDs is their chronical clinical course characterized with growth in medical services demand, long lasting disability, work absenteeism, and premature mortality.
The third major contributor to the skyrocketing costs of medical care provision was technological innovation in medicine. Diagnostic frontiers and therapeutic opportunities extended tremendously. Cost containment efforts and polices soon became top policy priority not only in rich Western and Asian countries but elsewhere across the globe as well.
Health Economics — Contribution to Modern Day Health Systems It is broadly recognized that building of health care capacities has high, but long-term, return on investment in terms of population health and an overall societal productivity. Throughout the past half a century and more, the great legacy of academic health economics has created huge diversity of methodological tools to assist resource allocation processes. Some of the most commonly used were cost-effectiveness, cost-utility, cost-benefit, budget-impact, and resource utilization analysis.
It continues to strive and create new approaches for the future such as improving management of scarce resources through managed and integrated care environment. Health economics has established itself as a mature science long time ago. The landscape of its major subdisciplines remained essentially unchanged since the s, although some areas were getting momentum more rapidly than others.
This happened due to a myriad of local circumstances in the largest, most advanced health markets notably in Northern America, Western Europe, Far East of Asia, and Australia. To some extent, this focus of academic interest was driven by legislative framework and priorities of major research funding agencies 54 — Another factor was pharmaceutical and medicinal device industry motive to invest heavily into those branches of health economics they regarded essential for the success of their market access and reimbursement strategies 58 , Last but not least, academia itself recognized the core weaknesses of national health systems and adapted responding to local needs Thus, the major fields of scientific endeavor in health economics and its fruits were different in the U.
According to Wagstaff and Culyer based on EconLit-adopted JEL system, over the past 40 years, these disciplines were health and its value, efficiency and equity, determinants of health and ill-health, public health, health and the economy, health statistics and econometrics, demand for health and health care, health insurance, supply of health services, human resources, and markets in health care and economic evaluation.
Great legacy of academic health economics shall remain one of the prime examples of bold development of interdisciplinary health sciences. It has served governments, hospital sectors, and pharmaceutical and medicinal device industry across the world for more than half a century. This knowledge has facilitated wiser and more just resource allocation.
It allowed to the national health systems worldwide to deliver more medical care, save more lives, extend human longevity, and improve the quality of life in patients suffering from chronic illness probably as much as core medical discoveries themselves. This contribution is less obvious compared to the innovation in clinical medicine.
But far-reaching consequences of implementing methods of health economics in policy decisions have made medical services far more affordable and accessible to ordinary people than ever before 61 , Thus, a scientific discipline, originally stemming from the Game Theory, gave birth to several generations of gifted and devoted economists, physicians, and other expert profiles.
All of them were building huge body of knowledge that continues to grow further. We witness complex evolution of global population health landscape across nations. Such a profound and long-term change creates a major challenge of financial sustainability of modern day health systems.
Contemporary health policy elites believe that achievement of universal health coverage remains primary goal We believe that these circumstances create strong long-term drivers for inevitable further development of the science of health economics. For many years, it has been supporting the build up of welfare societies in many nations Whether health economics shall remain in the elite club of interdisciplinary health sciences exhibiting long-lasting impact to policy-making and strategic thinking will be seen in the upcoming decades.
Author Contributions MJ and SO contributed equally in study design, conception, and drafting of the manuscript. Both authors had essential contributions to the final appearance of this grand challenge article. Conflict of Interest Statement The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
References 1. Rebelo LP.Households receive an income Y in return rent, wages, interest and profits. Interaction between participants Households provide production factors to producers firms.
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To be more effective, these organizations must rethink how they deliver their services. Multiple Choice 32 questions, 2.